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At the same tim e, depictive predicates are analyzed as Xadjuncts, so they are not subject to the same constraint.

Moreover, this analysis does not Relations a m o n g Constructions 87 account for why directed-m otion verbs, when used literally, cannot occur with ATI 4MB AGT, but can when used m etaphorically to code a change o f state. For exam ple, consider Notice, we cannot readily claim in this exam ple that a single constituent is involved.

W hat argues against that claim is that only can have as its focus anything in its sister constituent M cCaw leyyet we find that only cannot have as its focus Pittsburgh in the following variant: ATI 4MB AGT fact argues strongly against treating to L A. One might think that once we decide that resultatives are a m etaphorical extension o f the caused-m otion construction, nothing more needs to be said. However, there are several reasons for analyzing the resultative and the causedmotion construction as two related but distinct constructions.

O ne reason to keep the constructions distinct is that certain verbs are com patible with only one or the other. For example, m ake only occurs in the ATI 4MB AGT construction.

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Move, ATI 4MB AGT the other hand, cannot occur with the resultative construction: Moreover, it will be argued in chapter 8 that resultatives can only apply to argum ents which potentially undergo a change of state as a result of the action denoted by the verb; that is, resultatives can only apply to argum ents w hich can be categorized as patient argum ents. D irectionals do not require that the ATI 4MB AGT ent which they predicate be a patient, only that it be a theme: Joe moved it onto the table, Joe ran out of the room. W hat Joe did to it was he moved it.

In addition, resultatives are subject to several specific ATI 4MB AGT that do not hold o f caused-m otion expressions. For exam ple, it will be argued that resultatives m ust code an end o f scale section 8. The same is not true of directionals: He threw it toward the door, He put it ATI 4MB AGT the table. Capturing the Relation We can represent the relation between the two constructions as follows: The syntactic specifications o f the m etaphorical extension are inherited from the caused-m otion construction.

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The Ditransitive and Its Prepositional Paraphrase Many ditransitive expressions can be paraphrased using to: John gave M ary an apple, John gave an apple ATI 4MB AGT Mary. The question that arises, on the account presented here, is not w hether verbs are allowed to undergo a lexical or syntactic rule that alters their sem antic structure or subcategorization frame, as it is typically taken to be. Rather, the question becomes: How are the sem antics o f the independent constructions related such that the classes o f verbs associated with one overlap with the classes o f verbs associated with another? The answ er to this question is ATI 4MB AGT subject o f this section.

Evidence for the existence of this m etaphor includes expressions such as the following: They took his house away from him. He lost his house.

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Suddenly several thousand dollars cam e into his possession. Custody does not literally move from the judg e to Bill; neither does the house literally move to the Moonies. The relation between the caused-m otion construction and this m etaphorical extension can be represented as follows: This is ju st the sem antics associated with the ditransitive construction cf. She gave an old man it. She gave it to an old man. She sold a slave trader him. She sold him to a slave trader. For instance, exam ple 35 is odd because the transferred object the house is the focused inform ation and the recipient is ATI 4MB AGT.

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M ary gave a brand-new house to him. M ary gave him a brand-new house. N ote that exam ples such as the follow ing are acceptable even ATI 4MB AGT the transferred object is focused and the recipient is nonfocused: However, these cases imply physical motion as well as m etaphorical motion; that is, they imply that the football or the letter actually moves from Sally to the recipient. Therefore these cases do not require the m etaphorical extension of the caused-m otion construction but can ATI 4MB AGT based on the literal caused-motion construction itself.

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Since the ditransitive construction is not S-synonym ous with the literal caused-m otion construction, no difference in pragm atics is required by the system and no particular pragm atics is claim ed here. ATI 4MB AGT, system ic m etaphors w hose source dom ains are com patible with the sem antics o f a construction license expres- 94 Chapter Three sions w hich instantiate the construction. T hat is, general m etaphors may apply to constructions w hich have the relevant sem antics.

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This m etaphor is evidenced by the following sort o f examples: She She She She threw him a parting glance. Notice that this m etaphor is som ew hat productive:ATI 4MB AGT Free Driver Download for Windows 98, World's most popular driver download site. 3D Xpression+ PC2TV (Heidi) · 3D Xpression (Heidi) · 3D Xpression PCI 4MB · · · 4MB AGT · · ATI 4MB AGT AX [Mach32].

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